Friday News Roundup – June 16, 2023
Greetings from Washington, D.C. As we look forward to the Juneteenth holiday and its Monday commemoration, we also look back at a historic week and the scenes in Miami as former President Trump pled not guilty to a range of charges related to classified documents at his Mar-a-Lago resort. With some exceptions, Republicans have mainly focused on what is described as a double standard or politically-motivated prosecution (or prosecutorial bias). This further complicates the path for the many Republican challengers in the 2024 primary—now joined by Miami Mayor Francis Suarez—given the base support for former President Trump. Now, the political schedule will also be influenced by the trial schedule in South Florida.
On Capitol Hill, the prospects for a government shutdown this fall appear to have grown, given that the House GOP plans to move forward with spending bills below the agreed-upon caps. Democrats, and some Senate Republicans, do not see that as the terms of the deal that was reached around the debt ceiling—especially as they plan supplemental packages for defense and Ukraine later this year alongside the appropriations bills. Is this just posturing for now following the recriminations of the debt deal, or are the conservatives in the House driving all of Congress towards a fall shutdown showdown?
Overseas, the Ukraine offensive continued to probe Russian defenses, while Putin and his economic team sought to portray Russia as adapting to sanctions at the now-diminished St. Petersburg International Economic Forum. Ethan Brown covers the offensive in greater detail this week and the obstacles the Ukranians face. Over the weekend for Nineteen45, Ethan also examined the impact of Western nations announcing plans for sending fourth-generation fighter jets to support Ukraine, though such aid won’t happen in time to support the counteroffensive.
In terms of the U.S.-China relationship, the long-awaited trip by Secretary of State Antony Blinken raises questions about how Beijing will view engagement and what concessions will be demanded of US policymakers.
CSPC’s Joshua Huminski hosted a book event on June 14 with University of Nottingham professor Dr. Rory Cormac on the subject of “The United Kingdom & Intelligence: Past & Future.” Robert Gerber and Dan Mahaffee co-chaired a CSPC roundtable with Congressional staff that explored the use of trade as a strategic economic tool.
Huminski also reviewed “The Future of Geography” by Tim Marshall. A grounded look at humanity’s future in space, Marshall highlights how that which happens on earth drives what happens on orbit.
In this week’s roundup, Robert Gerber examines the new Taiwan trade legislation, Ethan Brown discusses Russia’s defenses in occupied Ukrainian territory, Veera Parko looks at Germany’s new security strategy, Cara Arnoldi reports on Congressional oversight of the Election Assistance Committee, and Hidetoshi Azuma analyzes the Japanese Prime Minister Fumio Kishida’s aborted snap election agenda and its consequences.
Congress Drafts Taiwan Trade Bill; Creates Stoplight for White House Trade Initiatives
Robert Gerber
Signing ceremony. Photo courtesy of American Institute Taiwan.
The Senate Finance Committee and House Ways and Means have co-drafted an interesting bipartisan and bicameral bill on U.S.-Taiwan trade. The legislation, which passed the Ways and Means Committee unanimously on June 13, approves the recently-signed "U.S.-Taiwan Initiative on 21st Century Trade" but also creates a “stoplight” on the Administration's trade negotiations with Taiwan - a provision that could have implications for other White House-led trade initiatives.
Representatives of the American Institute in Taiwan and the Taipei Economic and Cultural Representative Office in the United States signed the 75-page U.S.-Taiwan Initiative on June 1. The agreement, which the Biden Administration considers to be “phase one” of a broader bilateral trade deal, involves commitments on customs administration/trade facilitation, transparent regulatory practices, fairness in domestic services, and anti-corruption measures. The next phase of U.S.-Taiwan negotiations would involve harder issues like rules on agriculture, standards, digital trade, labor, and state-owned enterprises.
As we have reported, some key House and Senate members have complained that the White House has not involved Congress in its trade negotiations. Members have also warned that the frameworks the Administration is pursuing (such as the Indo Pacific Economic Framework) would not be binding without Congressional approval. The new legislation on Taiwan trade addresses these concerns by stipulating:
That the trade pact would only enter into force once the Administration has certified that Taiwan is in compliance with the agreement's commitments.
The Administration may not enter into any more negotiations with Taiwan without close consultation with Congress. This includes letting the committees see draft text before it is shown to the Taiwanese. It also requires regular consultations with Congress. Committee staff would be accredited to the US negotiation team in future rounds.
The US-Taiwan initiative shall not be considered a "free trade agreement." This prevents Taiwan-based companies from qualifying for the EV battery tax credits in the Inflation Reduction Act.
This legislation is a variant on Trade Promotion Authority, whereby Congress defines its priorities for Administration-led trade negotiations in exchange for up-or-down Congressional approval. The bill represents an expected but not insignificant pushback against the Administration's trade negotiation modus operandi (to include IPEF, US-Japan critical minerals, US-EU TTC, and more). It also opens the door for Congress to add market access, including tariff provisions, to U.S.-Taiwan negotiations. Furthermore, it sets a precedent for Congressional consultation on and approval of other trade negotiations. The White House could of course veto this legislation, but probably will not given the strategic importance of Taiwan. Taiwan is a critical hub of semiconductor production, and as Representative Jason Smith (R-MO) explained, "The people of the United States and the people of Taiwan share an invaluable economic partnership; we share democratic values; and we have strong individual ties between our two nations." The PRC has loudly condemned the US-Taiwan agreement through its state-owned media.
Russia’s Defensive Advantage
Ethan Brown
It’s finally happened: the Ukraine counteroffensive is underway and the next phase of this conflict has started. Despite the extensive, expansive support from across the Western coalition and NATO, Ukrainian forces face their stiffest test to date in attempting to oust the remaining Russian forces who are dug in behind mines, fortifications, and Dragon's teeth along the 600-mile front.
Ukraine has already dealt with casualties and fierce opposition, with Russia having employed “textbook defensive lines and adjusted [battlefield] tactics,” according to Sir Richard Barrons, formerly a U.K. Joint Forces Commander when speaking to Defense News earlier this week. The defenders have more effectively consolidated personnel into defense-in-zone sectors, less-dependent on extended supply lines (a once-lucrative target for Ukrainian drone and artillery operators), and have integrated more counter-fire systems to deter long-range engagements from Ukrainian attackers. Ukrainian losses, which include the destruction of Western-supplied armored personnel carriers and tanks (specifically the German Leopard II’s which, while aesthetically pleasing, are hardly the standard of armor across Western inventories)
It is notable here that, amidst the heavy losses of armor and personnel, aircraft and supplies from the earliest months of the war, Russia has gone deep into its Cold War stockpiles to augment the defensive lines with older tanks and munitions. This does not necessarily indicate a disadvantage for Russia, as they still decidedly outnumber Ukraine’s mobile armor forces to date, especially when employing tanks and personnel carriers from yesteryear.
The thing that is missing from both antagonists, of note, is the lack of air power utilization. This has been a primary oddity since the war began; Russia understandably restricted its use of combat aircraft after early months of Ukrainian air defenses dealt crippling blows to the Russian air inventory. Ukraine has limited such rosters of aircraft to bring to bear right now, and the collective decision to supply fourth-generation fighters to Ukraine (trained in the U.S., sourced by the Netherlands) has no timetable, and is not a factor in this summers fighting.
This makes the bloodbath in Eastern Europe much more akin to the trench warfare of the First World War than anyone would care to admit, albeit with far more comprehensive integrated firepower than the War to End All Wars faced. But the bluster voiced by Vladimir Putin earlier this week, specifically in reference to those meager losses of Western-sourced vehicles, and sweeping assertions across Russian misinformation about the flagging Ukrainian counteroffensive, are not to be taken seriously. Ukraine’s forces have barely initiated the push Eastward, because the current battlefield conditions are more favorable for Russia than for Ukraine, it’s just simple battlefield realities.
While Ukrainian defense forces have been bolstered significantly by Western aid and the sheer necessity of survival since February 2022, Russian forces have adapted to the fight and their opponents' emerging capabilities. Russia yet holds a manpower advantage, despite the growing discontent and dysfunction owing to the fallout between conventional commanders and the Wagner mercenary group. While distributing its defenses along the front, Russia has opted to forego the traditional Battalion-sized maneuver forces, instead distributing units at lower, smaller footprints, thus creating less lucrative and appealing targets for Ukrainian drone and artillery operators.
The Russian line is, for all intents and purposes, up against the wall. Their only retrograde of significant distance will have them back on sovereign Russian soil, which is certainly an untenable result that Russian military and political leaders will not stomach. But that is a strip of heavily fortified terrain anywhere from 60 to 100 kilometers between the advancing Ukrainians and that border, and Russia is postured to make Ukrainians bleed for every inch. Their advantage lies in the fact that Ukraine has not yet fully initiated the main blow of the counteroffensive, which would be indicated by a concentration of armor and heavy bombardment stout enough to create a wedge in the Russian defenses, allowing for the penetrating force to exploit the gap. Much like the Marne in 1914, the antagonists are looking for a flank to turn, but no such side approach exists. This kind of fight favors the defenders ten times out of ten.
“Russian engineering has proven to be one of the stronger branches of the Russian military,” noted Jack Watling, a senior research fellow on land warfare at RUSI ahead of the Ukraine offensive. Once again, the battlefield is shifting slowly in Russia’s favor, especially as Ukraine’s forces have met staunch resistance this week, while still upwards from 20 kilometers from the “real front,” as Watling deduced a few days ago when the Eastward push began.
Everything that has favored Ukraine to date: mobility, modularity, and unconventional-hybrid battlefield maneuver’s are rendered moot when going up against ruggedized bulwark defenses. In a 1-v-1, Ukrainian tanks are dramatically overmatching Russian counterparts. In the coming weeks, Russia does not need to engage in mobile tank battles, those armor pieces are essentially mobile artillery pieces meant to augment the defense-in-zone of the Russian line. Russian artillery, loitering munition launchers, and counter-fire batteries are going to be able to consolidate firepower on more concentrated Ukrainian forces.
The reality is that Ukraine is creating misdirection of sorts, not committing its forces at any particular point or place yet as each side is tirelessly working to predict what the other is doing. But sooner than later, much like a running back on a football field, they will have to turn upfield and commit to a lane. That is the point in time when Russia will be able to more effectively bring its yet-considerable tactical inventory of firepower to bear, and once again, attrition favors Russia in this conflict. It will likely be weeks, if not months (as rain continues to make Eastern Ukraine a near-impossible maneuver constraint) before that decisive point comes, and the longer the wait, the more time Russia has to prepare its defensive lines.
It is going to be a bloody summer and Ukraine/the West need to summon the fortitude against that harsh reality.
Germany’s new national security strategy focuses on integrated security and resilience
Veera Parko
Allied aircraft participating in German Air Force led exercise Air Defender 2023. Photo courtesy of NATO Allied Air Command
This week, think tankers in Brussels and Washington D.C. alike have been busy analyzing Germany´s brand new national security strategy. The strategy is a first of its kind for Germany after World War II and, according to Chancellor Olaf Schultz, a “big, big change” in the way Germany deals with security issues.
The document lays out an “integrated approach” to security, combining foreign, domestic, and economic priorities – and increasing military spending to reach the NATO 2 percent of GDP goal. In addition to boosting military spending, the strategy aims to secure the supply of energy and raw materials to Germany, reduce dependence on rivals (China is described as “a partner, competitor and systemic rival”, Russia as “the most significant threat to peace and security in the Euro-Atlantic area”), and reinforce preparedness and resilience of German society.
What does Germany mean by an “integrated security approach”? Because of the vast array of threats modern societies face, Germany has chosen a path where security is not limited to foreign and security policy and defense but encompasses all sectors and policy areas. “If the security situation deteriorates, each and every policy field is affected”.
Germany also wants to empower the whole of society in improving national security. Every sector of government and society has a role to play:
“Citizens who are willing to play their part in this respect are the very foundation of our robustness. To this end, we need to be able to count on a reliable network of actors and resources, including well-trained security authorities, non-police emergency-response organisations, resilient structures in the voluntary sector, wide-ranging engagement by volunteers, a vigorous economy and a strong security-research sector… Neighbourhoods and communities that demonstrate solidarity also play an important role in protecting our state and society.”
This is the essence of a whole of society approach to security, already adopted by many countries and Germany’s NATO allies. Because a country’s internal and external security are so interlinked in today’s highly volatile security environment, the only way forward is to involve the state, the private sector, NGOs and the general public in efforts to build resilience against different crises. Cyber attacks, climate change, chemical, biological, radiological and nuclear (CBRN) threats, pandemic preparedness, disinformation campaigns by foreign or domestic actors and critical infrastructure resilience are given special emphasis in the strategy.
To implement the strategy, the German government needs a shift in strategic thinking, something the “Zeitenwende” after the Russian attack on Ukraine started. The strategy has already been criticized for a lack of ambition and institutional changes to support implementation (such as establishing a National Security Council -type structure) – and the absence of concrete budgetary investments.
Nevertheless, one could argue that a shift in strategic culture on integrated security does not happen overnight, especially in a big, federalist European country like Germany. Similar approaches in other Western societies have taken time to evolve, and require a mindset change. Today’s security threats, however, will not wait, and governments need to act efficiently to counter them in time. Germany’s strategy, for all its shortcomings, puts a holistic approach to resilience at the heart of its security policy – a step in the right direction.
Election Assistance Commission Defends Itself During House Committee Hearing
Cara Arnoldi
Photo: screenshot of U.S. House of Representatives livestream
On June 14, the House Administration Committee held a hearing entitled "American Confidence in Elections: The Role of the Election Assistance Commission in Free, Fair, and Secure Elections." Committee Chairman Bryan Steil (R-WI) introduced concerns of alleged misuse of EAC funds, particularly $35 million in EAC funds that went to an advisory firm called SKDK that declared itself “Proudly on Team Biden” on its website. Steil also said that the EAC was unable to account for all $400 million spent before 2020. Ranking Member Joseph Morelle (D-NY) went a different route, highlighting the need for funds to sufficiently organize the 2024 election; he discussed the investment as a way to improve and modernize elections.
The “Help America Vote Act” (HAVA) established the EAC in 2002. It is a bipartisan, independent commission that provides grants to states and territories; these grants support voluntary voting guidelines, testing and certification of voting systems, and preservation of national mail voter registration forms. The EAC’s goals include inspiring voter confidence in free, fair, and secure elections. These responsibilities include preventing the inappropriate use of HAVA funds. This is the first hearing on the EAC since 2019.
EAC Chairwoman Christy McCormick said EAC’s Inspector General had conducted an investigation into the alleged misuse of funds. She affirmed that the money used to endorse Biden had come from state funds, not HAVA funds. While there are still concerns over fund documentation and future use, she reiterated that HAVA funds were not used inappropriately in this case. The EAC Inspector General Brianna Schletz added that the contract did not come from sole source funding, therefore HAVA was not used in this particular endorsement. She said in a report that “the funds spent on the SKDK education campaign were allowable, no instances of lobbying were found,” and that the funds were used to educate voters about voting by mail and registration processes. The report also specifically mentioned that California’s EAC grant could be used for mail-in-voting and early voting efforts, increasing the availability of ballot boxes, registration processes, voter assistance, adequate staffing, equipment, outreach, and more.
Committee member Barry Loudermilk (R-GA) asked McCormick and other witnesses to justify the EAC’s “massive budget increase”: from $75 million in election security grants in 2022 to $300 million in 2024. McCormick said states and localities requested the funding to purchase new and updated voting equipment. She also discussed the need for greater funds to address increased cybersecurity and AI threats, to support election offices following the resignations of several support staffers, and to develop more thorough guides and checklists for election officials. EAC Commissioner Donald Palmer also discussed the need to fund the Election Supporting Technology Evaluation Program, which tests and provides guidelines for electronic pollbooks and voter registration portals. EAC Commissioner Thomas Hicks said the EAC’s future priorities included its clearinghouse capabilities, offering solutions to better help Americans with disabilities vote, addressing supply chain concerns, and security maintenance.
Fumio Kishida’s Own Goal
Hidetoshi Azuma
The Japanese Prime Minister Fumio Kishida responds to a question on his decision on the expected dissolution of the Diet on June 13, 2023 (Photo Credit: The Office of the Prime Minister of Japan)
The Japanese Prime Minister Fumio Kishida announced his fateful decision not to dissolve the House of Representatives of the National Diet during the current term on June 15, thereby putting an unceremonious end to his highly-anticipated snap election agenda for now. Kishida was initially eager for a snap election this summer due to its expected benefits supposedly conducive to his political longevity. What has transpired over the past few weeks was a series of events which threatened his original game plan, leading him to suspend it for the time being. As a result, while a potential snap election is still an option on the table, Kishida has missed a crucial window of opportunity to consolidate his power and even fundamentally change Japan’s political landscape. Therefore, he has scored an own goal ironically threatening the future of his own ruling conservative Liberal Democratic Party (LDP).
Kishida’s snap election agenda was a long time in the making. The possibility emerged ahead of the Group of Seven (G7) summit with Kishida’s popularity steadily recovering from the all-time low hovering just above 20% at the beginning of this year. Having adroitly handled the LDP’s existential crisis caused by a major cult scandal last year, the Japanese leader sought to demonstrate leadership in 2023, leading him to visit Ukraine in March and host the G7 summit in his hometown of Hiroshima in May. It was a remarkable tale of resilience, and the public largely reciprocated Kishida’s leadership with growing support, leading his support rate to reach more than 50% immediately after the G7 summit. Against this backdrop, Kishida sought to further consolidate his ascendancy by reshuffling Tokyo’s internal political dynamics with a snap election. In doing so, he mustered internal support from his key allies, such as the former prime minister Taro Aso, adding a much-needed boost to his snap election agenda.
Indeed, the expected benefits seemed to outweigh the risks of a snap election this summer. The emerging rift between the LDP and its coalition ally, Komeito, came to the fore when the two parties recently decided not to cooperate in the newly-established election district in Tokyo. This was all but an inevitable outcome given their fundamental differences chiefly stemming from Komeito’s leftist, if not pro-Chinese, outlook. Moreover, Komeito has increasingly become a liability due to its backing by the Buddhist cult, the Soka Gakkai, ever since the assignation of the former prime minister Shinzo Abe last year and the subsequent scandal related to the Korean Christian cult, the Unification Church. In other words, what began as a marriage of convenience in 1999 essentially transformed into a Faustian Pact by 2022 to the ultimate embarrassment for the LDP. Such a sentiment was especially palpable among Kishida and his allies, who sought to undermine their rivals usually backed by various religious cults, including the Soka Gakkai and the Unification Church. For Kishida, a snap election would effectively kill two birds with one stone by challenging the LDP-Komeito coalition and undermining the power of his rivals.
Much to his dismay, however, an embarrassing family-related scandal suddenly emerged to threaten Kishida’s snap election agenda and even his own political longevity. Kishida’s son, Shotaro Kishida, found himself in an embarrassing scandal fueled by the revelation of his private use of the Official Residence of the Prime Minister while in office as the prime minister’s top aide-de-camp. Because Kishida Sr. indefatigably sought to protect his son, the whole drama resembled the parable of the prodigal son for the unforgiving public. Indeed, Kishida’s support rate steadily declined following the exposé, plummeting to 35% by June 15. Yet, while undoubtedly embarrassing, Kishida’s family affair is one of numerous scandals afflicting Japan and is hardly the worst. Moreover, the public is accustomed to scandals, and the LDP’s far-reaching influence across Japan could easily produce another election win with organized votes. Therefore, Kishida remained largely confident of his political longevity and undaunted about his snap election agenda amidst the nationwide backlash.
What changed his mind was in fact the inexorable pressure on him from the US Ambassador Rahm Emanuel ahead of the scheduled Diet approval of the controversial so-called LGBT legislation on June 16. Emanuel has been channeling unusual energy into LGBT advocacy in Japan since his arrival in Japan in 2022, and his agenda increasingly bordered on foreign interference in his host country’s internal affairs beginning this year. Indeed, Washington’s top diplomat in Tokyo frequently roamed across Tokyo with a rainbow flag with fellow activists and enthusiastically lectured on the importance of enacting the LGBT legislation immediately on his Twitter. The turning point arrived when Emanuel met the Komeito leader, Natsuo Yamaguchi, and publicly congratulated him on his leadership on advancing the LGBT legislation which the US ambassador tweeted was “on track to pass the Diet this week” as of June 12. Emanuel’s unabashed support for the LDP’s coalition partner thus effectively challenged Kishida’s calculus for his snap election agenda, which could torpedo the LGBT legislation itself if activated by June 16.
In other words, the Japanese prime minister suddenly found himself in an untenable dilemma imposed by a foreign diplomat. Holding a snap election would undo the LGBT legislation and possibly even the LDP-Komeito coalition, leading Kishida to suddenly emerge as a conservative hero underwriting the ruling party’s long reign. Yet, it could damage the US-Japan relations as it would most likely invite an ire from Emanuel, if not the US President Joe Biden himself, potentially threatening Kishida’s political fate in the long-term. By contrast, not holding one would allow Kishida to maintain the status quo but incur crippling damage on his political longevity and possibly a mass defection of conservatives from the LDP. Faced with these equally undesirable choices, Kishida chose inaction and let the Diet approve the contentious LGBT legislation. He received Emanuel’s lavish accolades, but found himself engulfed with growing accusations across Japan. Indeed, a conservative exodus is already underway, posing an existential threat to the LDP’s raison d'etre.
The irony here is that Kishida, the chief of the LDP’s mainstream conservative Kochi-kai faction, has steered the party’s orientation leftward. As a result, the LDP under Kishida has essentially merged with the Opposition, including even the Communist Party of Japan, in its ideological persuasion. In this context, the LDP’s non-mainstream conservative factions now led by the former prime minister Yoshihide Suga stand to gain the most. Indeed, Suga has been absorbing anti-Kishida elements, including Komeito and the Abe faction, since late 2022 and has so far succeeded in virtually forming his own faction attracting even the Opposition, such as the populist conservative Japan Innovation Party. Yet, Suga’s conservative credentials are dubious at best given his own predilection for identity politics and his patronage by the LDP’s top pro-China hand, Toshihiro Nikai. In other words, Suga’s ascendancy could ultimately benefit Beijing, not Japan’s conservatives. With Kishida’s LDP pivoting leftward in earnest, Suga’s emerging coalition will most likely gain further momentum, leading to the gradual demise of Japanese conservatism.
When Kishida betrayed an uncanny smirk at the end of his June 15 announcement on his aborted snap election agenda, he might have been thinking that he still had an upper hand. Indeed, if he somehow convenes an extraordinary Diet session later this summer, he could theoretically hold a snap election without missing the closing window of opportunity. Yet, this is merely a hypothetical scenario, and Kishida’s perceived indecision following his announcement could prevent him from mustering necessary internal support for such an audacious act. What happened in Tokyo this week was Kishida’s de facto unconditional surrender to Emanuel’s demands for fear of losing Washignton’s supposed trust in him. The irony is that Kishida thought that he had achieved a victory by withholding a snap election out of deference to Emanuel, but in fact scored an own goal, increasingly yielding his strategic advantage to Suga’s emerging coalition. Kishida smirked, but, at this rate, Suga stands to get the last laugh to the ultimate benefit of China. The silver lining is that Kishida still holds the ace up his sleeve as the incumbent Japanese prime minister. The choice is truly his, and the issue at stake is clearly more than just about who gets the last laugh.
News You May Have Missed
On June 12, U.S. National Security Advisor Jake Sullivan announced plans for eliminating barriers to trading advanced technology with India. Sullivan delivered this announcement in the midst of his trip to New Delhi, where he was making final preparations for Prime Minister Modi’s trip to the United States on June 22.. While Sullivan did not specify the specifics of this burgeoning trade deal, he did suggest that it would allow for facilitation of R&D programs and the development of 5G and 6G networks. These plans continue to promote increased collaboration between the U.S. and India, with the hope that the two countries can work together to remain competitive alongside China in the field of artificial intelligence, semiconductor development, and military intelligence. During Prime Minister Modi’s trip to the United States, he is expected to deliver an address to a joint session in Congress to further discuss the future of the U.S.-India economic relationship, potentially addressing the country’s perspective on the Indo-Pacific Economic Framework and asking Congress to reauthorize the General System of Preferences program, which would help Indian exporters.
Israel announces an AI-focused future for its military
On June 13, the chief of Israel’s military operational data and applications unit unveiled plans to use artificial intelligence to predict rocket attacks. This newfound interest in AI investment comes after Israel’s success using “Knowledge Well” during the Gaza mini-war. The “Knowledge Well” robot offered information such as the location and timing of Palestinian rocket launches, helping protect civilians and develop counterattacks. Colonel Birenbaum further asserted that approximately 50% of Israel’s military technology sector will be focused on AI-implementation by 2028. This announcement comes a week after Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu shared his vision of Israel becoming an AI powerhouse and made a substantial addition to the defense budget, pairing well with Colonel Birenbaum’s aspirations for the military. OpenAI CEO Sam Altman shares Israel’s vision of becoming a leader in AI, declaring during his visit last week that Israel can play a “huge role” in AI development. Going forward, Israel would like to use AI to promote autonomous warfare. Going forward, the country will hopefully implement guidelines that allow for safe AI implementation, especially when creating autonomous war machines.
The views of authors are their own and not that of CSPC.